By John D. Ciorciari
April 21, 2013
Lawyers for Thailand and Cambodia
have just completed their oral arguments as the International Court of Justice
(ICJ) considers Cambodia ’s
request to reinterpret its 1962 judgment on the dispute surrounding Preah
Vihear. The dispute’s re-emergence since
2007 owes largely to nationalist political forces, particularly the
yellow-shirt movement in Thailand . Nevertheless, the feud is founded on a
legitimate legal disagreement, which the parties are now litigating precisely
where they should: before the ICJ. A
closer look at the legal issues suggests a path to resolution of a largely
unproductive conflict.
The current
controversy focuses on the border in the area around the temple. The 1962 judgment awarded the temple complex
to Cambodia and required Thailand to
withdraw security forces at the temple or “in its vicinity on Cambodian
territory.” The Court reasoned that Thailand had
accepted as binding a 1907 map of the frontier prepared by French
cartographers, which placed the temple on Cambodian soil. However, the Court did not define the
vicinity of the temple or discuss the legal status of the 1907 map in its
operative part, which sets forth the Court’s conclusions.
Last week, Thai
lawyers argued that the Court’s 1962 conclusions pertained only to the temple
and the immediate surrounding area. They
contended that Thailand
obeyed the judgment by pulling its security forces just outside the temple
grounds and that Cambodia
had accepted that state of affairs.
Thus, they asserted, there is no debate to justify an ICJ
reinterpretation. Cambodian lawyers
countered that a dispute does exist and that the judgment gave the 1907 map
line binding effect, because the Court’s 1962 conclusions were inseparable from
its reasoning. Thus, they claimed, both
the temple and 4.6 square kilometers directly to its west belong to Cambodia :
As it considers the
pleadings, the ICJ faces two basic legal questions. Does a dispute exist between Thailand and Cambodia that justifies a
reinterpretation of the 1962 judgment?
And if the Court does reinterpret the judgment, should it find that all
or part of the 1907 map is binding?
The more difficult
question is whether—or to what extent—the Court’s reasoning should be read into
the binding conclusions of the 1962 judgment.
As Thailand ’s lawyers
have emphasized, the Court expressly declined Cambodia ’s request for a ruling on
the legal status of the 1907 map in the operative part of the judgment. Thailand
argues, not unreasonably, that this omission demonstrates that the Court saw
the status of the border and fate of the temple as separable legal questions
and that Cambodia
simply seeks a ruling the Court denied it in 1962. This argument is nevertheless problematic.
As Cambodia ’s counsel argued in The Hague ,
one cannot give effect to references to Cambodian “territory” in the operative
clause without knowing where that territory is.
To decide sovereignty over the “disputed area”—which the Court defined
as “the region of the Temple
of Preah Vihear ”—the
Court declared that the “real” and “essential” question in the case was
“whether the Parties did adopt the [1907] map, and the line indicated on it, as
representing the outcome of the work of delimitation of the frontier in the
region of Preah Vihear, thereby conferring on it a binding character.” After a lengthy analysis, the Court
found “in favour of the line as mapped [in the 1907 map] in the disputed
area.” That placed the temple on
Cambodian soil and, according to Cambodia ’s lawyers, makes this part
of the Court’s reasoning inseparable from its conclusion.
The real crux of
the dispute is whether the 4.6 sq km area west of the temple can be considered
part of “its vicinity on Cambodian territory.”
The Thai legal team has argued that Dean Acheson, counsel for Cambodia
in the original case, characterized the area in dispute as “very small.”
However, Acheson’s Thai counterparts objected to references to the “region” or
“neighborhood” of the temple as potentially too expansive. The 1962 judgment offers regrettably little
guidance. Its lack of clarity has
contributed to instability and makes its reinterpretation necessary and
appropriate.
The Court could have
ordered only that Thailand
withdraw troops “at the temple.” Its
addition of a reference to the temple’s “vicinity” shows that its conclusions
were intended to pertain to some area beyond the perimeter of the temple
buildings. Even if that area extended a
few hundred meters to the West, as the Thai map suggests, the question would
arise: was that part of the temple’s vicinity Thai, or was it Cambodian? The Thai reading of the judgment suggests
that the answer would depend on agreement of the parties. However, since agreement between the parties
was lacking, the provision would have effectively no force in the western
vicinity of the temple—an area where the Court knew that some Thai personnel
were located.
Although the Court
declined to pronounce on the border in the disputed area in its operative part,
that part can only be understood through reference to the Court’s finding that
the parties had accepted the 1907 map. Under this reasoning, areas in the temple’s
“vicinity” on Cambodia ’s
side of the 1907 map line fall into Cambodian “territory.” The most sensible way to define the relevant
vicinity would be to confine the scope of the judgment to the smallest
contiguous territory under dispute to the immediate west of the temple—namely
the 4.6 sq km strip. With that important
limitation, the Court should find for Cambodia .
The messiness of
these legal questions reflects the ambiguity the original judgment, which
regrettably left enough room for continuing interpretive disagreement and
discord. Whichever side prevails in
court, both governments would do well to respect the judgment. For Cambodia , an international legal
ruling provides the fairest forum in which to resolve conflict with a larger,
more powerful neighbor. For the
government of Yingluck Shinawatra, a hard-fought legal encounter provides
insulation against domestic nationalist demands for action, even if the ruling
is unfavorable. Indeed, both sides have
been ably and zealously represented in court.
An ICJ decision on the issue offers both a useful watershed—a chance to
shift away from contentious politics of the recent past, which help rally some
constituents behind the flag but do little for the longer-term interests of
their populations.
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